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Responding to a changing world  

Posted by Denis Haack in , , , , , , ,

            Hans Rookmaaker, art historian and colleague of Francis Schaeffer published Modern Art and the Death of a Culture in 1970. It was written, in other words, in the Sixties, a time of cultural ferment and protest in the West, and increasing defensiveness within the American church. We live in a world that still bears the marks of that decade, for blessing and for curse.
            At the beginning of the Sixties Reinhold Niebuhr was arguably the best-known and most influential public intellectual in American society. “Niebuhr was the ideal type of a species all but lost to us today,” Ross Douthat notes, “the public theologian, deeply engaged in a particular Christian tradition—in his case, a ‘neo-orthodox’ Protestantism—but capable of setting the agenda for the secular world as well.” I suspect Douthat is understating the case—the idea that a Christian theologian of whatever stripe could be America’s premier public intellectual is simply unimaginable today at the beginning of the 21st century.
            It was also a time when technology and a technological mindset started to assume a larger, or more obvious and noteworthy role in daily life and society. We are so used to living in a technological world by now, of course, that this may not sound like much, but at the time it was significant. Things felt different, looked different, was different, and people were thinking differently as a result. There were gadgets, innovations and conveniences, new weaponry, state power and governmental reach, a flood of images and news available so quickly after the events occurred—as I say, commonplace now but novel then.
            A lot of new things appeared and happened. The birth control pill received FDA approval and scientists invented lasers (1960), the Berlin Wall was constructed and the Soviets put a man in space (1961), the first Wal-Mart opened (1962), John F. Kennedy was assassinated (1963), the British band The Beatles hit America and Nelson Mandela was sentenced to life in prison (1964), American troops were sent to Vietnam (1965), Star Trek series appeared on T.V., Black Panther Party and National Association of Women were established (1966), the first heart transplant, the first Super Bowl, and the first black, Thurgood Marshall, on US Supreme Court (1967), Martin Luther King, Jr. and Robert F. Kennedy were assassinated, and the horrible My Lai massacre occured (1968), Neil Armstrong became the first man to land on the moon and the first episode of Sesame Street was shown (1969), computer floppy disks became available (1970).
            The Sixties were also a decade of unrest, protest and revolution. Four black college students conducted a sit-in at the Woolworth’s whites-only luncheon counter in Greensboro, NC (1960), Freedom Riders challenged segregation on interstate buses (1961), the first person was killed trying to cross the Berlin Wall and at the University of Mississippi James Meredith became the first black admitted as a student (1962), the March on Washington and Martin Luther King Jr.’s  “I Have a Dream” speech occurred, and activist Medgar Evers was shot in Jackson, MS and was initially refused care at the hospital, where he died, because he was black (1963), the Civil Rights Act became law in the U.S. (1964),
street riots exploded in Los Angeles and Malcolm X was assassinated (1965), mass protests against the military draft spread across America (1966), Che Guevara was tracked down and killed (1967), in Czechoslovakia what became known as the Prague Spring brought thousands into the streets (1968), Woodstock made rock and roll history (1969), Palestinians hijacked five planes, and troops fired on protesting students at Kent State in Ohio, killing four and wounding nine (1970).
            This list perhaps can serve to provide a feeble hint—admittedly wildly selective and incomplete—of what seemed at the time to be a brave new world of technological advance and social protest that was the Sixties. Modern Art and the Death of a Culture was written into and out of this cultural moment. The fact that Hans Rookmaaker wrote it more than four decades ago means it is dated; the fact that his perspective was firmly rooted in the ancient wisdom of the biblical worldview means what he wrote can serve as a model of Christian discernment.
            In reviewing the book recently I remembered how great an impact it had on me. The Sixties were a time of spiritual crisis for me. The Christianity in which I had been raised did not provide reasonable answers for the questions and challenges I faced in my classes and in the late night conversations I had with friends. Rookmaaker’s book arrived like a glimmer of hope. Never before had I known any serious Christian to take art seriously. Reviewing Modern Art and the Death of the Culture also reminded me that the perspective on life and faith that Rookmaaker advanced was radical. That is probably why the bookwas, as far as I could tell, by and large ignored by a church that was increasingly defensive, withdrawn, and reactionary.
            This excerpt captures a hint of what I mean.

            Those who put their faith in a perfected technology have of course some grounds for their optimism, even if they also have their problems. We are living in an advanced world, better equipped than any before to tackle the great problems of mankind: housing, transport, safety, health, home comforts, efficiency. We have better communications, safer systems, more convenient utensils, better organization. Much of our western society is wealthy, affluent. Economics, by applying the methods of the sciences, has been able to break through old barriers; together with sociology it has been the means of providing for everyone goods and services previously undreamt of. No longer is the world one with a happy few, a small class, at the top, with the masses of the nameless poor at the bottom. Democracy, leisure and convenience for everyone have been achieved—well, perhaps not quite, for we are still uncomfortably aware of the areas where they have not yet arrived.
            Certainly the world is a fast-changing one: air transport is faster, and within the reach of an ever-increasing number of people. Television, in the course of one or two decades, has changed the habits, knowledge and whole outlook on the world of a large majority of the people. Cars are now a commodity instead of a luxury. More people get better schooling and higher education at university and college level. Books are cheap and within the reach of all. People live longer as a result of the rapidly advancing medical care and research.
            All this is true, and many of these things have no doubt led to much greater happiness and satisfaction in life for many. No-one wants to undo them, or go back to being without them, or deny their importance. Nor can it be denied that they all have a deep influence on our lives. Certainly one aspect of the crisis of our age is to be found in the fact that we have not yet completely adjusted to them; we have not yet found the right attitude to them, for we are often still like children completely taken up with a new toy. But the overwhelming ecological problems of today show that we must stop playing at random: our utensils may destroy us, our machines cause the decay of the very earth on which they stand. Perhaps we have bought our affluence at too high a price.
            Our world is changing, and we with it. It has become much larger, as our horizons have widened; but also much smaller, for we get instant information on problems and events in places far away. We get involved in things we have never even thought of before. So our world has become much more complex, and in our answers to the problems of life we have to cope with far more factors than ever before.
            All this means that Christians must go through a period of study, thought and re-evaluation that will take much of our energy. Conflicts will arise within Christian circles as older people especially are not consciously aware of this need for re-orientation, and therefore think that the old answers are still valid and sufficient. It is not that the foundation has to change, or that the basic doctrines have lost their meaning. But the expression and formulation of them sometimes needs rethinking as we listen afresh to God's Word, and seek to present it to the new world in which we are living.
            The whole cultural situation however is much more complex than can be dealt with simply by asserting that we have to adjust and rethink. There are many negative elements in the technocracy of today. We must find out what they really are, think through the means of removing them or at least formulating our attitude to them.
            We must also learn to react positively to the positive elements of the revolt and protest around us. For it, too, is against the evils of technocracy. We must rejoice in the fact that man is shown to be still human by his protest against the forces that would dehumanize him. We must be alert to see that the lawless and negative revolutionary elements do not obscure the real issues, so that they do not become themselves an obstruction to finding the solution they seek.

Reading this excerpt after so many years also raised questions in my mind as to how Rookmaaker’s vision of Christian faith could be applied to the opening decades of the 21st century.

Questions for reflection and discussion:
            1. What is your first impression of what Dr. Rookmaaker communicates? Why do you think you responded as you did?
            2. Do you know anyone personally who tends to “put their faith in a perfected technology”?
            3. Writing in 1970, Rookmaaker says, “All this means that Christians must go through a period of study, thought and re-evaluation that will take much of our energy.” Did this occur in the last 40+ years? If so, to what extent was it adequate for the task?
            4. Rookmaaker goes on to argue there is both a negative and a positive aspect to our task as Christians. The negative, he says, consists of naming the social and technological changes that affect us and then assess them in distinctly Christian categories. In his words: “There are many negative elements in the technocracy of today. We must find out what they really are, think through the means of removing them or at least formulating our attitude to them.” Has this been accomplished adequately over the past four decades? Why or why not?
            5. The positive aspect to the Christians assessment may surprise many Christians. In most retellings of the story of the Sixties, the numerous protests and revolutionary movements tended to be viewed with unrelenting disapproval by conservative Christians—then and now. How do you respond to Rookmaaker’s perspective, especially as it is expressed in the final paragraph?
            6. This is purely speculative, of course, because Dr. Rookmaaker is dead and cannot speak for himself. Still, I suspect that he would have a very similar thing to say to Christians at the beginning of the 21st century. What might that consist of?

Excerpt: From Modern Art and the Death of a Culture by H. R. Rookmaaker (Downers Grove, IL: Inter-Varsity Press; 1970) pp. 197-199.


Source: Bad Religion: How We Became a Nation of Heretics by Ross Douthat (New York, NY: Free Press; 2012) p. 25.

American Empire: facing reality truthfully  

Posted by Denis Haack in , , ,


How we see America, and how the world sees us
            I am told that not too many years ago far less information filtered in each day from the farther reaches of the globe, and the news that did arrive took longer to get here. Speed is no longer an issue, waiting is no longer necessary, though now the sheer volume of news quickly numbs us, especially since so much of reeks of violence, conflict, suffering and disagreement.
            Some of the news that arrives is unpleasant not because it tells of death or disease or devastation but because it tells us that people around the world do not see America in the same benevolent terms with which we see our nation. It’s easy to filter that part of the news out: there is too much to absorb anyway, and since we simply want freedom and democracy for everyone much of the problem must be ingratitude on their part. If we pause for a moment, and we should pause to reflect on this, most of us will suspect that something is amiss.
            In A Free People’s Suicide, Os Guinness asks Americans to do just that: to pause a moment, to reflect deeply on who we are as a people and to consider whether the democratic freedom we have inherited will be sustained. Guinness’ prose is always clear, persuasive, and accessible, and the danger will be to rush through the book instead of using it as a chance to think and discuss whether we are now the sort of people that can maintain the Founder’s grand experiment into the future.
            “Can the United States,” Os asks at one point, “be a superpower that is worthy of a free people?” This question immediately brings us to our view of ourselves, the reasons behind US foreign policy initiatives, and how the rest of the world sees us.

            Americans can claim that their military, economic and cultural power still stands at an unprecedented and unrivalled level. But only just. Presidential speeches notwithstanding, America’s relationship to freedom and global diversity has grown far less clear in the last decade. Attempts to assert America’s sole superpower strength unilaterally have caused disquiet and anger around the world and called into question what America means by freedom and more simply, what America means to the world. To much of the world today, the United States is increasingly unwanted or irrelevant.
            Strikingly, America once spoke for the world, over against European colonialism; but today Europe often speaks for the world, over against American imperialism. Or the more modest America was about her uniqueness, the more appealing America was; whereas the more America presses her universality, the less universal is her appeal. Once an extraordinary nation, the United States has behaved like an all too ordinary empire.
           It will not do to equate America and freedom and then to assume that any and all American policies are automatically justified in the name of freedom.
            It will not do for Americans to rehearse their good intentions, for in the age of side effects, unintended consequences and unknown aftermaths, the best intentions may produce the worst of results and pave the road to another manmade hell.
            It will not do for Americans to keep reciting their traditional anti-imperialism, for empires are the closest historical parallel to America’s present dominance.
          It will not do for Americans to resort to euphemisms and speak of themselves as a “reluctant empire,” an “undeclared empire,” a “de facto empire,” an “empire by any other name,” “an empire that dare not name its name” or “an empire in denial.” An empire by any name at all is still an empire.
            It will not do for Americans to compare apples with oranges and make false comparisons with other kinds of empire. Americans often say with pride or in self-justification—most recently in Afghanistan and Iraq—that they are not conquerors or occupiers, as if all empires were conquered on the pattern of Alexander the Great and Julius Caesar…
            Empires have never been all of one kind. Their only common element is the spread of their dominance…
            In 1916, President Wilson drafted the speech in which he declared, “It shall not lie with the American people to dictate to another what their government shall be.” His Secretary of State Robert Lansing wrote in the margin: “Haiti, S Domingo, Nicaragua, Panama.” That list could be greatly extended today. The slave’s voice in the victor’s ear and the truth teller’s note in the president’s margin are more needed than ever to remind Americans of their imperial reach and its consequences in the eyes of others. [p. 174-176]


           As Americans becomes increasingly pluralized in terms of our deepest commitments, and American society becomes increasingly polarized in the scramble to impose particular ideological policies on unwilling neighbors, we will need to go back to the proverbial square one if we are to make progress in political justice without jettisoning freedom in the process. American’s posture in the world and the policies our nation stands for in its relationships with the rest of the world are necessarily part of our stewardship as faithful citizens.
            Neither conservatives (or their libertarian compatriots) nor liberals are eager to admit to an American empire. Our ideals, we insist, are far more democratic and beneficent than that. The trouble is that insisting on this fantasy will not only breed further antagonism around the world, it will, perversely, mean that America is ceasing to be a superpower worthy of free people helping to undercut the foundation on which that freedom depends.
            We need to take another look at ourselves. We need to listen more patiently to the angry voices around the world. And we need to reflect on what it all means.

For further reading: Why the Rest Hate the West: Understanding the Roots of Global Rage by Meic Pearse (Downers Grove, IL: Inter Varsity Press; 2004).

Source: A Free People’s Suicide: Sustainable Freedom and the American Future by Os Guinness (Downers Grove, IL: Inter Varsity Press; 2012).

Myths and truth  

Posted by Denis Haack in , ,


A note in a faculty memo from James Pakala, librarian at Covenant Seminary (St Louis, MO):

The Christian Century August 10, 2010 – Four American myths are listed (p. 9) from Claude S. Fischer’s Made in America: A Social History of American Culture and Character (U of Chicago Press, 2010). Despite the myth: a) Americans changed location less in recent decades than either in the middle of the 20th century or in the early 19th century; b) Americans have not turned away from religion, as membership has remained proportionately higher than in eras prior to the mid-20th century; c) crime rates by 2000 were almost down to 1950 levels; and d) destitution is lower.

Source: Select Items #277.

Obama and the Nobel Peace Prize  

Posted by Denis Haack in , , ,

There has been an enormous amount of discussion about whether President Obama deserved to win the Nobel Peace Prize, and what his winning implies about the Prize itself. Some of the discussion has been thoughtful, but most, sadly but not surprisingly, has been shrill, cynical, and partisan.


It is always difficult to see with a perspective that is wider than one’s own interests. It’s hard, for example, to try to see myself as my wife, friends, and neighbors see me, since my perspective seems so natural, so obvious that I can’t believe everyone doesn’t share it. The same goes for how we see our nation. We assume everyone should see the U.S. and President Obama as we see them, and are surprised to discover they don’t necessarily share our perspective.


This is part of the issue that has arisen over President Obama’s receiving the Nobel Peace Prize, as historian David Kaiser explains in a superb essay, “Why Obama Won the Prize,” which you can read here.


(I am grateful to my good friend Dr Paul Waibel, professor of history at Belhaven College, Jackson, MS for alerting me to Kaiser’s essay.)